APRIL 11 — The US-Israeli war on Iran has renewed urgency for governments to treat resilience as a central strategic priority.

The disruption of oil flows, particularly through critical maritime chokepoints, has sent tremors across global markets and raised the spectre of surging fuel prices that could cascade into higher costs for goods and services. Global growth is increasingly strained at a time when many economies are already fragile and facing multiple disruptions.

The consequences extend far beyond financial markets. Such conflicts destabilise supply chains, heighten political and social tensions, and expose states to a range of vulnerabilities, including economic deprivation, regime instability, increased migration, illicit flows and environmental degradation. Traditional security threats such as terrorism, civil unrest and intrastate conflict also tend to intensify under these conditions.

In this context, resilience has become more than a policy buzzword. At its core, resilience refers to the capacity to absorb shocks, adapt to changing conditions and continue functioning effectively. It is the ability not only to withstand disruption but also to recover and, ideally, emerge stronger.

Resilience operates at multiple levels. It involves safeguarding ecological systems from irreversible damage, ensuring individuals can adapt to life’s challenges, and enabling states to anticipate and manage crises. Governments that fail to prepare strategically risk being overwhelmed by shocks that could upend existing political and economic arrangements.

However, resilience is not inherently virtuous. It can also sustain undesirable systems. Corrupt or authoritarian regimes, for instance, may develop adaptive mechanisms that allow them to endure crises and entrench their rule. In such cases, resilience serves survival rather than reform.

The first step in building resilience is recognising thresholds — critical points beyond which systems begin to break down. For governments, regime failure could be triggered by economic decline, rising inequality, corruption and social unrest. Effective resilience requires addressing these risks before they escalate into systemic crises. At the international level, escalating protectionism, resource competition, military build-ups and political interference can similarly push regions toward instability.

The disruption of oil flows, particularly through critical maritime chokepoints, has sent tremors across global markets and raised the spectre of surging fuel prices that could cascade into higher costs for goods and services. — Unsplash pic
The disruption of oil flows, particularly through critical maritime chokepoints, has sent tremors across global markets and raised the spectre of surging fuel prices that could cascade into higher costs for goods and services. — Unsplash pic

States must also recognise that some thresholds, once crossed, could be irreversible. Environmental degradation is a clear example. Damage to forests, rivers, oceans and the atmosphere can be permanent, and no amount of post-crisis resilience efforts can fully restore what has been lost. Avoiding such tipping points must therefore remain a central priority.

Diversity is another cornerstone of resilience. Systems that draw on a wide range of ideas, experiences and capabilities are better equipped to respond creatively to shocks. Societies that embrace diversity tend to be more adaptable, innovative and resilient in the long run.

Paradoxically, exposure to disruption can also strengthen resilience. Societies that experience political competition, active civil engagement and periodic crises often develop the institutional strength needed to cope with future shocks.

Malaysia’s political transition in 2018, followed by subsequent instability, stress-tested the country’s political, social and economic systems in profound ways. The smooth transfer of power and the continued functioning of the bureaucracy during the early stages of the Covid-19 pandemic demonstrated significant institutional depth. Contentious policy debates have also contributed to institutional learning. The controversies surrounding Lynas Corporation, for instance, forced policymakers to balance economic, environmental and public concerns, offering lessons that may prove valuable in future crises.

At the same time, resilience requires a careful balance between connectivity and autonomy. Highly interconnected systems can transmit shocks rapidly, while overly fragmented systems may lack the resources to respond effectively. Striking the right balance is essential in an era where environmental, economic and political security are deeply intertwined.

Improving resilience also demands more agile governance. Rigid and slow-moving bureaucracies are poorly suited to crisis conditions. The current oil shock highlights the need for governments to act swiftly, whether by deploying targeted subsidies, managing inflation or reassessing strategic reserves. This requires streamlined processes and a willingness to adopt new technologies and policy approaches.

Ultimately, resilience is about preparedness in an uncertain world. As global disruptions become more frequent and complex, the ability of states to design and implement effective resilience strategies will determine how well they navigate crises.

In Malaysia’s case, the foundations for resilience already exist in the form of a diverse society, an open economy and a history of navigating political and economic shocks. The challenge now is to harness these strengths into a coherent and forward-looking national strategy.

In an era defined by uncertainty, resilience is no longer optional. It is the defining test of governance.

* Abdillah Noh is an Associate Professor at the School of Politics, International Relations and Economics (SPIRE), University of Nottingham, Malaysia. He works in the area of institutions and institutional change that touch on a range of issues in public policy, politics and political economy.

 

** This is the personal opinion of the writer or publication and does not necessarily represent the views of Malay Mail.