SEPTEMBER 13 — The Asia-Pacific has become a theatre of sharper competition and uneasy cooperation. For Asean, the central challenge has always been how to preserve stability while navigating the overlapping rivalries of great powers. 

The latest Japan–Australia 2+2 Foreign and Defence Ministerial Consultations, held in Tokyo earlier this month, should not be read merely as a bilateral strengthening of ties. Rather, it offers a path that Asean can align with to reinforce its own security, economic resilience, and diplomatic weight.

The joint statement released by Tokyo and Canberra is rich in substance. It pledged deeper collaboration in defence operations, joint exercises, maritime domain awareness, cyber security, advanced technologies, and critical supply chain resilience. 

Both countries reaffirmed their commitment to a “Free and Open Indo-Pacific,” and — crucially — endorsed Asean centrality and the Asean Outlook on the Indo-Pacific. Asean needs such 2 + 2 to keep Asean a well anchored body as a hub of diplomatic dialogue.

This alignment means that Asean’s own frameworks are not bypassed but reinforced by two advanced economies and democracies that see the region as their anchor of security.

The Asia-Pacific has become a theatre of sharper competition and uneasy cooperation. For Asean, the central challenge has always been how to preserve stability while navigating the overlapping rivalries of great powers. — Picture by Raymond Manuel
The Asia-Pacific has become a theatre of sharper competition and uneasy cooperation. For Asean, the central challenge has always been how to preserve stability while navigating the overlapping rivalries of great powers. — Picture by Raymond Manuel

Security reinforcement through deterrence

The first and most immediate gain for Asean lies in deterrence. South-east Asian states face persistent challenges in maritime disputes, coercive behaviours, and grey-zone tactics. 

By enhancing operational collaboration, Japan and Australia strengthen the regional security environment in ways that indirectly shield Asean members. Their emphasis on international law and UNCLOS echoes Asean’s own diplomatic language, lending external weight to its positions. When Asean foreign ministers issue statements on the South China Sea, the effect is amplified when external partners echo the same principles in high-level joint declarations.

Moreover, joint Japan–Australia defence initiatives increase the costs of coercion in contested waters. Even without direct military commitments to Asean, the presence of coordinated, capable democracies improves the overall strategic balance. It reassures Asean states that they are not left alone to face pressure, and it reduces the risk of miscalculation by larger powers.

Economic gains through supply chain resilience

Second, Asean stands to benefit economically. Supply chain fragility has become a pressing concern, especially for critical minerals, clean energy, and high-tech industries. Japan and Australia are already leaders in securing and diversifying these chains. Their coordinated effort to build trusted networks offers Asean countries opportunities to embed themselves in more predictable and sustainable trade routes.

For instance, Australia is a leading supplier of rare earth elements, while Japan is a global hub of advanced manufacturing and technology. Asean, strategically positioned between the two, can serve as both a processing base and a distribution hub. 

By linking into these supply chains, Asean states can secure stable access to key materials while simultaneously offering their markets and labour force. This diversification, when tapped wisely, will protect Asean’s economic growth from external shocks such as tariffs, blockades, or sudden sanctions.

Furthermore, clean energy cooperation creates avenues for Asean to accelerate its green transition. Joint initiatives on hydrogen, battery technology, and carbon-neutral supply chains can be extended to South-east Asian economies, aligning with their own commitments to climate adaptation and sustainable growth.

Technology and capacity building

Third, the partnership holds promise in technology and capacity building. Canberra and Tokyo have agreed to expand cooperation on cyber, unmanned systems, defence industry linkages, and research and development. Such initiatives are not closed clubs. Asean states can explore avenues to participate, drawing benefits through training, technology transfer, and standard-setting.

The payoff is not confined to defence. Enhanced cyber resilience helps Asean governments secure their financial systems, digital trade, and critical infrastructure. Investments in unmanned systems and AI technologies spill over into civilian sectors — agriculture, disaster response, and logistics — all of which are vital to Asean’s development. 

Humanitarian assistance and disaster relief (HADR), a field where Asean has already made significant progress, can be further strengthened through exposure to advanced practices from Australia and Japan.

Diplomatic leverage for Asean

Diplomatically, Asean also gains leverage. By aligning with the values affirmed in the Japan–Australia statement — peaceful dispute resolution, rejection of unilateral force, and respect for international norms — Asean gains reinforcement of its normative agenda. 

When outside partners echo Asean’s positions, whether on the South China Sea arbitral award or on broader rules-based order, it multiplies Asean’s collective voice.

This reinforcement has symbolic as well as practical importance. Asean’s credibility often rests on whether its principles resonate beyond South-east Asia. With Japan and Australia acting as amplifiers, Asean’s diplomatic messaging carries greater weight in global debates. In multilateral fora such as the East Asia Summit or G20, Asean can cite not only its own declarations but also the parallel positions of key Asia-Pacific democracies.

Navigating strategic autonomy

Of course, Asean must approach this partnership with care. Strategic autonomy remains paramount. Member states should engage Japan and Australia not to take sides in larger rivalries, but to ensure inclusivity and transparency. Infrastructure and economic projects should align with Asean’s standards for sustainability, sovereignty, and debt responsibility.

Equally important, Asean must maintain internal unity so that external support strengthens rather than divides the grouping. When major powers court Asean members individually, the grouping risks fragmentation. Asean’s task is to channel such engagements back into collective frameworks, thereby ensuring that bilateral initiatives serve the regional interest.

A template for regional partnerships

The broader point is that Asean need not view the Japan–Australia 2+2 consultations as a distant bilateral dialogue. They are a template for how like-minded countries can build resilience and reinforce multilateral frameworks without undermining Asean’s role. For South-east Asia, this is a moment to seize: to engage these initiatives proactively, to secure practical gains in security and economy, and to bolster Asean’s place at the centre of the Asia-Pacific architecture.

Asean should not be a bystander to this partnership. It should be a beneficiary — and a shaper — of it. If Asean plays its cards well, the Japan–Australia 2+2 could become less a bilateral ritual and more a cornerstone of a broader network in which Asean is both participant and pivot. 

* Phar Kim Beng, PhD is the Professor of Asean Studies at International Islamic University of Malaysia and Director of Institute of Internationalisation and Asean Studies (IINTAS).

** This is the personal opinion of the writer or publication and does not necessarily represent the views of Malay Mail.