OCTOBER 23 — There is one thing Putrajaya counts on to keep things going in Borneo, a lack of statewide, sorry, territory-wide consensus.
Not anymore.
Federal overlords took for granted this upper-hand over the less colonised portion of the federation.
By the time the Anglo-Dutch Treaty of 1824 was signed, which set the tone for the eventual adoption of the two Borneo states into the framework of the reconstituted Malaya as Malaysia, the Straits Settlements already had a developed relationship and dynamics with the Malay states.
Everything was a bit later to arrive in Borneo due to the historical accidents.
This does not reformat the Malaysia Agreement but rather explains why Borneo plays catch-up perpetually with West Malaysia in the administration game. West Malaysia did more “power rationalisation” earlier and was readier for independence from its colonial master.
Which is why Malaya could set the tone. Borneo, resource rich but less experienced. Which explains how the 20- and 18-point agreements were always suspect in their implementation.
Kuala Lumpur before Putrajaya was never going to let the Borneo states outnegotiate them.
The supposed autonomous immigration policy is a good example. It was downgraded from passports inspected for authorisation to Mykads processed except for economic migrants and overzealous politicians, in stages.
The veneer of power rather than unquestioned powers.
Which made Borneo feel the Malaysia Agreement 1963 (MA63) was getting mostly lip service.
Borneo’s salvation, poetically, began in the West rather than in the East.
Back to the Pak Lah years
Barisan Nasional’s implosion in the 2008 General Election set in motion what is now deliberated with the Kota Kinabalu High Court decision to rule with the petition from the Sabah Law Society.
Judge Celestina Stuel Galid determined Sabah should get a higher share of state generated revenue henceforth, and also seek ways to establish the outstanding and receive restitution for the last 50 years.
A tasty bonus cheque is in the offing.
Borneo has caught up.
Whether it maximises the situation is a different debate. What is far more obvious is that the federal government is not at an absolute advantage anymore in future negotiations.
In hindsight, the casual withdrawal of all Barisan Nasional Sarawakian parties from the coalition post the 2018 General Election and to re-engage with the federal government intact as a state collective was a masterstroke.
If Umno then was able to split up even a little of the nascent Gabungan Parti Sarawak (GPS) it could have been the bridge rather than a former spouse. And keep Sarawak parties under its thumb.
Instead it became the model for the future. Political autonomy for Sarawak political parties. Divided by political goals but unified on economic dominion.
On December 14, 2021, while still in a lockdown, parliament passed unopposed, Federal Constitution amendments, to recommit the country to MA63 with greater verve and commitment.
It was a concession that not enough had been done since 1963 and a statement of intent to correct. Federalists were alarmed even if they conceded for political goals.
Sarawak since has upped the ante. Sabah was expected to be the laggard.
The High Court judgement is now the battlefront between Putrajaya and Kota Kinabalu, with the state election as the backdrop.
A record number of participants are expected even to exceed the chaotic 2020 state elections, and therefore assumed to be vulnerable to Putrajaya’s machinations.
Yet reactions have been anything but. Sabah turned out to be no laggard.
All together now
Incumbents GRS back the court decision. Pakatan Harapan’s UPKO backs their federal minister Ewon Benedick’s threat to withdraw from Cabinet if Prime Minister Anwar Ibrahim’s government challenges the court ruling at the Appeals Court.
Warisan is for it, and so is Umno Sabah. SAPP and STAR have left GRS but not the MA63 cause. If anything, they are more invested.
The latest fad, Black Wave, a loose grouping of independents, is also pro-Sabah.
Quickly put, there is no sympathy for Putrajaya in the territory. Quicker said, not backing the court case is political suicide at the polls on November 29, in the current climate.
Operatively, there is consensus.
GRS has long abandoned its Bersatu origins and now works with Pakatan for the polls, and may live to regret it.
It fascinates to see how Sabah’s Barisan Nasional positions itself in the campaign. State leaders have no compunction to beat down GRS and Pakatan, but national leaders like Zahid Hamidi and Mohamad Hasan may struggle to back their state leaders without hurting Anwar’s Pakatan.
While pundits say it is a fight between parties for Sabah only against Malaya-friendly or backed parties, they mention less that both sides are openly for any MA63 gains, and are delighted by the High Court’s judgement.
The consensus is intact.
So, while Sarawak is a smoother come together of players — with already Parti Bersatu Sarawak merged into Parti Demokratik Progresif under Gabungan Parti Sarawak — Sabah is more fluid but coherent in its MA63 vigour.
Which means a proper headache for the prime minister.
While the public relations team busy themselves with the Asean Summit to fill news pages with diplomatic victories and upping the country’s international prestige, the domestic strategy team works overtime to form a principle stand and cogent approach to the latest Borneo debacle.
Not only to protect the economic interests of the government but not to appear as handing a walkover to Sabah.
Demands continue to win an election
Both Borneo states, sorry, territories maintain their common postures; it gives the impression that Sabah and Sarawak are not done with their renegotiations.
And the next ask may be the election trump card.
Everyone has decided to press for more for the state but which faction focuses on matters which resonate with the voters. Some asks matter more to the voters, it is always going to be about symbolism backed by resources.
Therefore, seen as one possessing a more convincing vision for the state at the expense of Putrajaya.
Autonomy on education or healthcare? Increase ties and access to Indonesia’s Nusantara or trade with the Philippines? Promise state jobs for the youths, in tourism?
The sky may be the limit. The ridiculous propositions will get ridiculed. However, the right state promise might trigger a support surge in a state inclined to upsets.
Tangible and tasty, that’s what everyone is looking for.
It is retail marketing rather than warlord powerplay for this election.
Let the promising commence.
* This is the personal opinion of the columnist.
