SEPTEMBER 6 — The Penang Voluntary Patrol Unit (PPS) controversy gets at everything the state doesn’t want people chewing over. It portends negativity for the Penang Government that is struggling to act responsibly and rationally amid its charm offensive as a burgeoning economic muscle.

The state’s ascent on the national and regional stage is being messed up by its own creation — a pumped-up, purple-vested Pasukan Peronda Sukarela (PPS) that Putrajaya deems as a version of “vigilantes in other countries” that “might go out of control”.

PPS, reportedly with a membership of about 10,000, allegedly has in its ranks criminals and drug users in the frontline of fighting crime and disaster relief. And its members have been hauled up by the police for alleged assault of citizens.

That would explain the police’s stand that the backgrounds of the volunteers were not submitted to them for scrutiny. Still, why did it take the police to discover only recently that high-profile PPS — formed in 2011 by the state government — was an unregistered body while investigating an assault case?

And just why is Chief Minister Lim Guan Eng reluctant to list PPS under the Registrar of Societies? By merely saying that PPS is a state agency, and that the government has the right to make it one, reeks of arrogance.

The storyline is quite similar to the uproar over the move to extend the police uniform to selected officers from the People’s Volunteer Corps (Rela), the Civil Defence Department (JPAM), Kuala Lumpur City Hall and Petaling Jaya City Council enforcement agencies, auxiliary police and Rukun Tetangga, two years ago.

I held then that the audacious scheme to create a high profile ‘police presence’ on the streets in the Klang Valley, Selangor, Penang and Johor would result in confusion among the public, lead to misunderstandings and mistaken identities. It did.

That apart, both Rela and JPAM had been set up by federal law. PPS is an unregistered movement. That’s a major dissimilarity that could lead, and perhaps has led, to public indifference to what was a well-intentioned plan by Penang to reduce crime on the island and mainland.

Policing is based on democratic consent. Without the support of the public, the nation’s 110,000 cops would not be able to function. Therefore, the pact between police and anti-crime volunteers must be excellent teamwork and good relations.

That’s not the case in Penang where the purple-vests are not well-received by the police and have been accused of lording over the people — and being aligned to the dominant political parties in the state.

So, is the PPS fit to be thrown into the forefront in the combat against crime when they at war with the police?

When these ordinary people have had no training by the police in crime prevention methods, how are we to know whether they have the swiftness and courage to tackle a certain crime, such as a stand-off? How are we to know whether they have the ability to conduct ‘risk assessment’ before acting, for example against a public demonstration?

Do their powers include the authority to demand an alleged offender’s name and address, disperse groups and act as guardians of morality? Maybe not, but they are being accused of such wrongdoings.

If the state supervises the PPS, can they do so without the expertise of the police? Its funding and contributions to society would then be brought to public scrutiny as certain quarters are now demanding to know. 

If Lim feels deeply for the continued existence of PPS, he should make public everything and anything PPS. As it is, the state government merely says PPS was formed to help contain crime and assist in emergencies and disaster relief operations.

Lim has been defensive of the PPS saying the action against the body was politically motivated and that since the state was responsible for its formation, he would defend and stand by it to face the attacks.

Brave Lim’s stand is a flashpoint that pointedly trumps rational thought. Especially when he insists that PPS is a state agency and does not come under the purview of the Registrar of Societies. What if other states followed suit?

Surely, Lim knows that state governments do not have jurisdiction over security matters, which fall under Putrajaya. The only exception to a private army is the Royal Johor Military Force which was an exemption and deemed legal by law. It is an independent military force formed in 1886 and is one of the oldest armies in the country.

Associate Professor P. Sundramoorthy, of the Research Team on Crime and Policing, School of Social Sciences, Universiti Sains Malaysia, says: “The police fighting crime on their own may bring some positive results; however, the war to prevent and control crime is a guaranteed success when in partnership and engagement with the local community.”

He says: “The supervision of crime prevention patrol groups by the local police is imperative. Encouragement from the federal and state governments, the police, other agencies and local business community can help provide citizens with the training, logistical requirements and other support needed to sustain the volunteer crime prevention patrol programme.

“Citizens must feel safe while acting as volunteers in crime prevention and must also feel as though their work is making a difference.”

Members of the scarred-PPS aren’t a happy lot now. Frankly, given the developments this week, I can’t see how the police and PPS are going to be brothers in arms in fighting crime. It looks like end of story for PPS.

*This is the personal opinion of the columnist.