MAY 21 — The New Straits Times published an article a few days ago demonstrating the optimism of Mahathir in bringing about change to the administration of Islam in Malaysia. Such optimism could not come at a better time with a malay ethnocentrism conflated with religious bigotry being the modus operandi of rule under former Prime Minister Najib Razak’s government. With post-election fervour still relatively vociferous, perhaps a serious look should be taken at what needs to transpire or what needs to change for religious extremism to become a footnote in Malaysian society and history.
The blatant disenfranchisement of and disregard for the rights of Muslim minorities and non-Muslim sections to practice their faith can only be attributed to the Salafi-style of Islamic bureaucracy prevalent under Najib’s days. A pernicious influence of Salafism meant that there was only one right way to practice Islam, an Islam that painstakingly adhered to the practices of the Prophet Muhammad, while ignoring socially urgent problems such as political corurption. BN could afford to rely on Islamic credentials to gain support, even if waning, of the masses.
However, as GE14 showed, (Salafi) Islam was not the trump card used to nullify 61 years of BN rule. It was social justice, be it in the espousal of reducing economic inequality or the championing of religious harmony. Mahathir’s championing of religious harmony was in fact reflected in his Vision 2020 goal promulgated in 1991. The goal was to foster a religious harmony in a society structured by a developed knowledge-based economy. The time is ripe to exercise such a vision, though this by no means guarantees the eradication of Salafi elements in Malaysia’s socio-political landscape.
Nevertheless, education as a key constituent of this landscape would play a key role in espousing a religious harmony where the Shia minority would have greater freedom in practicing Shia Islam or where the sign of the Christian cross symbol would not send shockwaves through conservative Muslim quarters. In the recently published ‘The Politics of Islamism: Diverging Visions and Trajectories’, author Lily Zubaidah Rahim concluded in her chapter that in Malaysia, “a hegemonic salafi consensus has yet to materialise, owing to the tenacious pockets of Muslim resistance that refused to be silenced by the state ulama or subjugated by archaic interpretations of Islam that deny Malaysians their constitutional and citizenship rights”. Against the backdrop of this diagnosis, and, if Wawasan 2020 is anything to go by, embracing differences between and within religions would be the norm for Malaysia henceforth. This would be the goal of rolling back the influence of Salafism at the societal and elite political level.
There would need to be a marriage in vision between the education ministry and the various civil society groups. Curricula to do with religious education should ideally be devised such that the diversity of Malaysia’s inter and intra-faith diversity is emphasized. For example, a majority Malaysian Sunni Islam population does not have to equate to an intellectual marginalization of Shia minorities or superficial teachings of the non-Muslim faiths. Of course, the message of plurality disseminated when it comes to religious traditions is equally important; one can accept the existence of a multiplicity of faiths in a negative sense of simply refraining from hate speech against the concerned individuals. An absence of vitriol or stereotypes is the first positive step, an all-embracing harmony would be the ultimate goal.
Schools now have to play catch-up to civil society groups. Civil society groups have been active in championing for the understanding of religion that isn’t narrow but allows for differing interpretations of religion to be aired, even those that may be deemed controversial such as the imposition of an Islamic state. The Islamic Renaissance Front for example conducts lectures and seminars on topics such as ‘democracy and Islam’ to promote intellectual discourse. There is a case for optimism that, under Mahathir, and his pledge to change the way Islam is administered, civil society groups that champion diversity would gain more support from a new and improved government.
The confetti is still up in the air and once it settles, immense challenges loom ahead. Making predictions on how Malaysia’s religious landscape will look like in the future is pre-mature, to say the least, but this need not preclude optimism for the future.
* This is the personal opinion of the writer or publication and does not necessarily represent the views of Malay Mail.
