OCTOBER 6 — Few in Asean realise that Pakistan — though geographically located in South Asia — has always carried a strategic weight that reaches deep into Southeast Asia’s future.

Its status as a sectoral dialogue partner may appear modest, yet it represents far more than a diplomatic courtesy. It is an acknowledgment that Pakistan stands at the intersection of three vast regions — the Middle East, Central Asia, and the Indo-Pacific — and can therefore play a catalytic role in shaping Asia’s economic and security order.

Pakistan’s geography is its destiny. With a 990-kilometre coastline along the Arabian Sea and the deep-water port of Gwadar near the Strait of Hormuz, Pakistan has become a pivotal node in the China–Pakistan Economic Corridor (CPEC), the flagship project of the Belt and Road Initiative.

This location makes it a natural bridge between the energy fields of the Gulf, the manufacturing bases of East Asia, and the consumer markets of Asean.

For a region like Southeast Asia, which relies on open sea lanes and diversified trade routes, Gwadar and Pakistan’s emerging logistics network could one day complement Asean’s maritime hubs, from Singapore to Port Klang, creating new pathways for energy and digital trade.

Pakistan’s role extends beyond economics. It is an active member of both the Organisation of Islamic Cooperation (OIC) and the Shanghai Cooperation Organisation (SCO), straddling two distinct but converging regional architectures. Within these forums, Pakistan advocates connectivity, counter-terrorism cooperation, and energy security — priorities that Asean itself shares.

Islamabad’s growing engagement with Asean therefore represents not just trade diplomacy but an attempt to link the Indo-Pacific with the broader Eurasian heartland.

Pakistan’s modern history also bears lessons in restraint. After enduring cycles of confrontation with India, its leadership and military establishment have shown a studied discipline in preventing crises from escalating into full-blown conventional or nuclear war. This posture of contrition and prudence has reflected Pakistan’s understanding that the costs of escalation far outweigh any transient gains.

That restraint — tested through conflict and reaffirmed through dialogue — remains central to Pakistan’s international reputation as a responsible state seeking stability over spectacle, a principle Asean deeply values.

To Saudi Arabia, Pakistan has always been more than an ally; it is an anchor of stability and shared faith. Their partnership is built on decades of defence, economic, and religious cooperation. Pakistani military advisers have long served in Saudi security institutions, while Riyadh remains one of Islamabad’s top energy suppliers and financial supporters.

Over two million Pakistanis work in the Kingdom, remitting billions of dollars home each year and sustaining both economies.

As Crown Prince Mohammed bin Salman redefines Saudi Arabia under Vision 2030, Pakistan remains a bridge to the broader Muslim world — an indispensable partner connecting the Gulf to South and Southeast Asia. This Saudi–Pakistani relationship has strategic implications for Asean. With Malaysia leading the halal industry, Indonesia expanding its energy partnership with the Middle East, and Singapore hosting Islamic finance centres, Pakistan’s ties to Saudi Arabia can deepen Asean–GCC cooperation.

The first Asean–GCC Summit held in Riyadh in 2023 already hinted at this triangle of interdependence. This is especially pertinent in light of the Pakistan-Saudi Arabia Mutual Defence Pact signed in September 2025.

If anything, the Honorary Degree of Doctor of Philosophy will be conferred upon Prime Minister of Pakistan Shehbaz Sharif, by way of the consensus of the Unity Government of Prime Minister Datuk Seri Anwar Ibrahim, at the Institute of Islamic Thought and Civilization (ISTAC) in the International Islamic University of Malaysia, is a clear reflection of the growing importance of Pakistan in the world of GCC and invariably Eurasia and Asean.

Pakistan, situated between the Arabian Peninsula and the Bay of Bengal, could facilitate Saudi investments in Southeast Asia’s infrastructure, halal industries, and renewable energy projects.

The United States, too, recognises Pakistan’s enduring importance. Though their relations have oscillated between alliance and friction, Washington understands that Pakistan’s geography makes it irreplaceable in the regional balance of power.

During the Cold War, Pakistan served as a frontline ally against Soviet expansion. It was a member of SEATO and CENTO — the institutions that linked South and Southeast Asia under the American security umbrella. But when both were abolished, Pakistan remained connected to Asean.

After 9/11, Pakistan became a critical partner in counter-terrorism operations in Afghanistan, with which Asean cannot take its eyes off lest Southeast Asia become the “Second Front of the War on Terror.”

Even as tensions persist, U.S. strategists know that no regional stability — from the Persian Gulf to the Hindu Kush — can be achieved without Pakistan’s cooperation. From Islamabad’s standpoint, Malaysia has also absorbed most of its surplus labour.

Today, as Washington recalibrates its Indo-Pacific strategy to balance China’s rise, maintaining engagement with Islamabad remains a pragmatic necessity. For Asean, Pakistan’s ability to hold dialogue with both Washington and Beijing makes it a valuable interlocutor.

Its inclusion as an Asean sectoral partner strengthens the grouping’s diplomatic reach, allowing Asean to preserve strategic autonomy amid intensifying great-power rivalry.

Asean’s partnership model, by design, is incremental. Sectoral dialogue partnerships enable cooperation in specific domains — such as trade, investment, education, or connectivity — without immediately elevating relations to the level of full dialogue partners. Pakistan’s inclusion aligns perfectly with this cautious yet progressive approach.

Its participation opens avenues for collaboration in energy diversification, where LNG terminals in Karachi and Gwadar can help Asean reduce reliance on single-source suppliers.

It also enhances cooperation in the halal economy, where Pakistan’s standards and Malaysia’s expertise can establish a regional halal certification corridor.

Furthermore, Pakistan’s youthful and digitally literate population offers Asean a promising partner in digital-economy initiatives and freelance technology services, extending the Asean Digital Economy Framework beyond Southeast Asia’s borders.

At a deeper level, Pakistan’s partnership with Asean holds significant civilizational implications.

Both embody multi-ethnic, multi-faith societies striving to harmonise tradition with modernity. Pakistan’s philosophical foundations — shaped by Muhammad Iqbal’s vision of self-renewal (khudi) and Mohammad Ali Jinnah’s inclusive nationalism — echo Asean’s own ethos of consensus and coexistence. This civilizational affinity can be a source of moral capital for both sides, particularly as Asia confronts ideological fragmentation and the rise of identity politics.

For Malaysia, which chairs Asean in 2025 under Prime Minister Anwar Ibrahim, this is a moment to deepen the partnership’s strategic and spiritual dimensions.

Kuala Lumpur has long championed the idea of a civilizational dialogue between the Islamic and Confucian worlds. Engaging Pakistan through Asean could translate that dialogue into tangible cooperation — from student exchanges and technology transfers to joint peace initiatives under the ASEAN Regional Forum, where Pakistan is a full member.

The depth and reach of Pakistan’s partnerships — with Saudi Arabia in faith and finance, with the United States in security, and with Asean in development — position it as a fulcrum of connectivity between three worlds.

Asean must recognize this potential not as an abstract diplomatic gesture but as an opportunity to anchor regional resilience in a wider Asian order.

As Malaysia leads Asean toward 2045, the region’s stability will depend on its ability to connect the Gulf, South Asia, and the Indo-Pacific through inclusive partnerships.

Pakistan, with its unique blend of geography, faith, and strategic pragmatism, offers precisely that bridge. Recognising its importance and nurturing this relationship could well determine whether Asean remains merely a regional convenor or matures into the true heart of a connected Asia.

* Phar Kim Beng, PhD, is professor of Asean Studies at the International Islamic University of Malaysia and director of the Institute of International and Asean Studies (IINTAS). Luthfy Hamzah is a research fellow at IINTAS.

** This is the personal opinion of the writer or publication and does not necessarily represent the views of Malay Mail.