SEPT 24 — Japan’s recent delivery of fourteen unmanned aerial vehicles and seven rescue boats to Malaysia under its Official Security Assistance (OSA) programme is far more than a symbolic gesture.

It is a demonstration of defensive diplomacy in action, underscoring Tokyo’s determination to help Southeast Asian states strengthen their resilience in the South China Sea while reinforcing the idea that security of this contested waterway is not merely a national concern, but a global public good. One just as important to the peace in the East China Sea.

At any rate, the OSA marks a significant evolution in Japan’s post-war security posture.

For decades, Japan refrained from exporting defence equipment or providing direct security aid, bound by constitutional pacifism and domestic sensitivities.

Yet the changing strategic environment in the Indo-Pacific, particularly the intensifying contestation in maritime Asia, has compelled Tokyo to rethink its approach.

The OSA framework allows Japan to provide non-lethal defence equipment to trusted partners, supporting its “Free and Open Indo-Pacific” vision. This extends from East Africa to Timor-Leste and beyond.

Unlike traditional military assistance, OSA focuses on enabling partners to improve their own capabilities for monitoring, search and rescue, and maritime law enforcement.

Malaysia’s allocation reflects this priority.

Six UAVs are earmarked for the Army, another six for the Royal Malaysian Navy, and two for the Cyber and Electromagnetic Division.

The distribution ensures that surveillance covers both the physical and digital domains, allowing the armed forces to track surface movements, detect illicit activities, and strengthen situational awareness.

The seven rescue boats complement this capability by providing rapid response in emergencies, whether in intercepting illegal fishing vessels, conducting humanitarian operations, or saving lives at sea.

Together, these assets enhance Malaysia’s maritime domain awareness (MDA) — the ability to understand, anticipate, and respond to developments in its maritime spaces.

The concept of MDA lies at the heart of maritime security.

It is about more than watching coastlines; it is about comprehensively understanding the maritime environment, integrating data from drones, radars, and satellites, and building a coherent picture of what is happening above and beneath the waves.

In the South China Sea, where overlapping claims, encroachments, and grey-zone tactics have become routine, the ability to monitor and document incidents is vital.

Better awareness enables countries like Malaysia to assert their rights with evidence, reducing the likelihood of miscalculation while strengthening their diplomatic standing.

This form of defensive diplomacy is subtle but powerful.

By equipping Malaysia with surveillance and rescue tools, Japan helps bolster deterrence without provoking escalation.

Unlike offensive weaponry, which risks fueling an arms race, these capabilities are framed as public goods — tools to enhance safety, transparency, and law enforcement.

They not only protect Malaysia’s sovereignty but also contribute to the wider stability of sea lanes that carry one-third of global trade.

The South China Sea is not just a regional artery; it is a global one.

Safe passage through these waters ensures energy security for Japan, South Korea, and beyond, while underpinning the economic lifelines of ASEAN states.

Japan’s assistance therefore aligns national interest with collective benefit, showing how regional powers can uphold global commons through carefully calibrated initiatives.

At the same time, challenges remain.

Providing equipment is only part of the equation.

Effective use requires training, integration into command structures, and sustained maintenance.

Japan has begun to address this by training Malaysian personnel, but building enduring capabilities will require long-term cooperation, investment in logistics, and clear rules of engagement.

Moreover, the data generated by these systems must be safeguarded and responsibly used, both to maintain trust at home and to reassure neighbours that surveillance is not a cover for provocation.

Another important dimension is interoperability.

UAVs and rescue boats are most effective when their operations are harmonised with other agencies — coast guards, fisheries authorities, customs, and environmental regulators.

Malaysia’s ability to coordinate across institutions will determine whether these assets create real synergy or remain under-utilised.

The lesson here is that OSA is not simply about transferring hardware, but about embedding a culture of preparedness, professionalism, and transparency in maritime governance.

Still, the strategic implications are undeniable.

For Malaysia, OSA support arrives at a critical juncture, as its maritime zones require constant vigilance and credible enforcement.

For ASEAN, it demonstrates how external partnerships can reinforce regional resilience without compromising the principle of centrality.

For Japan, it offers a new instrument of influence, one that reinforces its own security while deepening ties with Southeast Asia.

And for the international community, it underscores a reality too often ignored: maintaining order in the East and South China Sea is not only about claimants but about ensuring the integrity of the global commons.

What Japan is doing in Malaysia may also serve as a template for wider adoption.

Other Southeast Asian states facing similar maritime challenges could benefit from comparable assistance, creating a network of partners able to share information and coordinate responses.

This would not be an alliance in the traditional sense, but a web of defensive diplomacy, stitched together by shared needs for stability, transparency, and adherence to international law.

As great-power rivalries harden, the value of such diplomacy becomes clearer.

Building maritime domain awareness through cooperation, transparency, and shared capacity is a far more sustainable path than confrontation.

Japan’s OSA contribution to Malaysia illustrates that security assistance can be designed not to inflame tensions but to strengthen the resilience of smaller states and protect global public goods.

The lesson is simple: in a multipolar world, safeguarding contested seas requires investments not just in deterrence, but in the ability to see clearly, respond responsibly, and uphold the principles of international law.

The East China Sea cannot be allowed to become a flashpoint that destabilises the global order anymore can the South be allowed to lapse into disorder too. The impact on a global maritime trade would be easily USD 5 trillion at least.

By advancing defensive diplomacy through OSA, Japan has shown that partnerships rooted in awareness and cooperation can help keep these waters open, safe, and secure.

It is a reminder that maritime security is not only about military might, but also about building trust, sharing responsibility, and protecting the commons on which the prosperity of all nations depends.

*Phar Kim Beng, PhD, is professor of Asean Studies at the International Islamic University of Malaysia and director of the Institute of International and Asean Studies (IINTAS). Luthfy Hamzah is a research fellow at IINTAS.

**This is the personal opinion of the writer or publication and does not necessarily represent the views of Malay Mail.