JULY 22 — Every political movement is entitled to seek power in a parliamentary democracy. Elections exist precisely so parties can persuade voters to entrust them with governing the nation. 

The issue, however, is not whether a party seeks power. The issue is the language through which that pursuit is justified.

For years, PAS under the leadership of Tan Sri Abdul Hadi Awang has consistently advanced the theme of “Muslim unity.” Unity, in itself, is a noble Islamic ideal. The Qur’an encourages believers to avoid division. 

Yet when unity is framed primarily through electoral cooperation among political parties, rather than through broader social, educational and humanitarian endeavours, it raises an important question: is the objective religious solidarity or political consolidation?

Malaysia is hardly a country where Muslims are politically marginalised. 

Islam is the religion of the Federation. The Malay Rulers are constitutional guardians of Islam within their respective states. Malay Muslims occupy the overwhelming majority of positions throughout the civil service, security institutions and many public bodies. 

There is therefore little evidence that Malaysian Muslims face institutional exclusion requiring an extraordinary political campaign for survival.

Why, then, does the call for Muslim unity remain the central political refrain?

One explanation is electoral arithmetic.

Malaysia’s parliamentary system rewards any quest for anyone that wants to trigger a quick first past the post political victory. 

To be sure, no single party has consistently demonstrated the ability to command an outright parliamentary majority on its own. 

Like other parties, PAS has depended on alliances at different points in its history too. 

It has worked with Umno, Semangat 46, PKR, DAP and Bersatu under different political circumstances. 

Coalition politics is therefore neither unusual nor illegitimate. The distinction lies in the justification. In this case, Hadi-led cooperation with Umno under the guise of cooperation with Perikatan National (PN) and Barisan National is a direct stake into the heart of an administration between BN and PH that is working. Not failing.

Thus, when coalition-building is presented primarily as a religious obligation rather than an electoral strategy, politics risks becoming sanctified in ways that leave little room for democratic disagreement.

Second, the timing of calls for Muslim unity often coincides with elections or coalition negotiations. The language becomes particularly prominent when parliamentary numbers matter most. 

Critics therefore argue that religious unity is being mobilised principally as a means of maximising electoral support rather than as a continuous programme of Islamic renewal or national development.

Third, the emphasis appears unusually domestic at a time when much of the Muslim world faces severe humanitarian crises. 

Gaza continues to suffer immense devastation. Sudan remains engulfed in conflict. Syria and Yemen continue to grapple with prolonged instability. 

Across many Muslim-majority societies, economic reconstruction and human security remain urgent priorities.

Malaysia has traditionally earned international respect through humanitarian diplomacy, moderation and constructive engagement within the Organisation of Islamic Cooperation and Asean. 

Against this backdrop, one may reasonably ask why domestic electoral unity occupies greater political attention than Malaysia’s potential contributions to addressing wider challenges affecting Muslim communities abroad.

Fourth, framing politics principally through religious solidarity risks overshadowing the practical concerns that dominate voters’ daily lives. 

Malaysians—Muslims and non-Muslims alike—are concerned about inflation, wages, housing affordability, healthcare, education, productivity and employment.

Elections ultimately determine who governs these issues. Religious identity alone cannot substitute for effective public policy.

Finally, critics argue that electoral pacts justified in the name of Muslim unity can strengthen elite bargaining power more than grassroots welfare. 

Consolidating parliamentary seats enhances negotiating leverage in the formation of governments, allocation of cabinet portfolios and determination of national leadership. 

Such bargaining is entirely legitimate within parliamentary democracy. 

What deserves scrutiny is whether it is presented transparently as political negotiation or clothed primarily in religious language.

None of this suggests that Muslims should not cooperate politically. 

They have every democratic right to do so, just as other communities and political parties have every right to organise around their own shared principles and policy preferences. 

The more important question is whether religion should function chiefly as an electoral instrument or as a moral guide that transcends partisan competition.

Malaysia’s enduring strength has never rested on uniformity. 

It has rested on constitutional monarchy, parliamentary democracy, federalism and a multi-ethnic social compact that has allowed different communities to coexist while recognising Islam’s constitutional position.

That balance has given Malaysia credibility both within Asean and across the wider Islamic world.

Ultimately, voters must decide whether repeated calls for Muslim unity are intended primarily to deepen Islamic values within society or to consolidate parliamentary numbers for the pursuit of Putrajaya. 

These objectives are not necessarily mutually exclusive. Yet they should not be conflated without careful examination.

In a democracy, seeking power is legitimate. The more demanding question is whether the language used to obtain that power clarifies political choices or elevates them beyond ordinary democratic debate. 

That distinction will shape not only electoral outcomes, but also the quality of Malaysia’s constitutional democracy in the years ahead.

* Phar Kim Beng is a professor of Asean Studies and a director at the Institute of International and Asean Studies, International Islamic University Malaysia.

** This is the personal opinion of the writer or publication and does not necessarily represent the views of Malay Mail.