DECEMBER 4 — The dust from the Sabah election has barely settled, yet by 3.15am on November 30th, Chief Minister Datuk Seri Hajiji Noor succeeded in forming a stable government — an impressive achievement in a state long accustomed to political turbulence.

While Sabahans were fully entitled to express their frustrations toward leaders who had failed to protect the interests of the “Land Beneath the Wind,” the swift formation of government under Gabungan Rakyat Sabah (GRS) signalled a resolve to move forward with steadiness rather than relapse into instability.

Crucially, one of Hajiji’s prerogatives remains the power to appoint six nominated assemblymen or assemblywomen. This constitutional provision — often overshadowed by the noise of post-election commentary — may yet prove decisive in setting Sabah on a more strategic trajectory.

If half of these nominees were to be drawn from Parti Keadilan Rakyat (PKR), the message would be unmistakable: Sabah is prepared to deepen its engagement with Prime Minister Datuk Seri Anwar Ibrahim to fulfil the long-promised revenue-sharing formula under the Malaysia Agreement 1963 (MA63).

MA63 is not merely a historical document; it is the foundational compact that allowed Sabah and Sarawak to join Malaya to form the Federation of Malaysia. Embedded within it is the principle that Sabah is entitled to receive 40 per cent of the federal revenue collected from the state. Theoretically recalculated from 1963 onward, this figure represents an enormous fiscal obligation for Putrajaya. Yet it is also the clearest articulation of the Federation’s moral and legal promise.

If Sabah extends goodwill, then good faith must follow from the Federal Government. An equitable Malaysia cannot simply be invoked during elections; it must be practised through honouring MA63, institutionalising transparent fiscal flows, and ensuring — unambiguously — that no one siphons away funds legally owed to Sabah. After decades of delayed fulfilment and bureaucratic hedging, Sabah deserves more than symbolic gestures. It deserves substance.

GRS as a trend setter — despite familiar faces

It is true that the newly unveiled Sabah Cabinet consists largely of old faces. Critics have characterised this as a failure to renew leadership or widen the talent pool. Yet this view, while not entirely wrong, misses a deeper strategic trend: GRS is shaping a political model centred on stability, predictability, and institutional continuity in a state historically plagued by political fluidity.

GRS’s strength lies not in flamboyant personalities but in its ability to hold the middle ground.

It resists extremism.

It avoids the patronage excesses of the past.

It has cultivated credibility among ordinary Sabahans weary of party-hopping and short-lived coalitions.

In other words, GRS represents a slow but steady shift from personalised politics to system-based governance. Even with familiar faces, the system itself has begun to transform.

This is where the appointment of the “Amazing Six” becomes consequential. While the Cabinet may not have dramatically changed, the nominated assembly members can inject new expertise, new representation, and new political linkages — particularly to Putrajaya. Their entry allows GRS to maintain institutional stability while still signalling reformist intent.

Thus, GRS becomes a trend setter not because it replaced old leaders with new ones, but because it has begun to create a framework in which stability is valued and reform is not equated with chaos.

Sabah’s federal position strengthened through the six

The six nominated assembly members — if chosen wisely — can strengthen Sabah’s federal bargaining position in at least three strategic ways:

1. They reinforce Sabah’s MA63 claim with political legitimacy.

When representatives across ethnic, professional, and political lines support MA63, it becomes not merely a negotiation, but a constitutional expectation. A multiracial and multi-party representation makes it harder for any future federal administration to dilute Sabah’s rights.

2. They become Sabah’s interface with Putrajaya on developmental and fiscal matters.

Sabah’s economic landscape—from energy to infrastructure to tourism—requires collaboration, not confrontation, with the Federal Government. The Amazing Six can function as policy brokers, advocates, and watchdogs to ensure federal promises translate into federal deliveries.

3. They signal to Sarawak that Sabah intends to grow alongside—not against—it.

Sarawak under Premier Abang Johari is pursuing its own MA63 trajectory with increasing sophistication. A strengthened Sabah complements this evolution. Both states need Putrajaya for different reasons, but together they restore the spirit of East Malaysia within the Federation.

A strong Sabah strengthens Malaysia — and Asean

Malaysia cannot present itself as a stable, functional federation if one of its largest territories feels marginalised. Conversely, a confident Sabah — empowered through MA63, stabilised through GRS, and supported through strategic appointments — becomes an asset to the nation.

More importantly, a well-governed Malaysia contributes to Asean’s legitimacy at a time when the region faces:

• Widening strategic contestation between the US and China,
• Intensifying climate disasters,
• Economic pressures from tariff wars,
• Internal conflicts in Myanmar,
• Border tensions among member states.

If Malaysia demonstrates that federalism can be fair, inclusive, and durable, it offers Asean something rare: a model of internal political equilibrium amid regional turbulence.

Conclusion: The federation needs Sabah, and Sabah needs a Malaysia that listens

Sabah’s political story has never been one of resignation. It has been a journey of assertiveness, negotiation, and an enduring belief in justice. GRS’s victory, Hajiji’s swift government formation, and the potential of the Amazing Six together create an opportunity to realign the state’s relationship with the Federation.

For the first time in many years, Sabah can:

• stabilise its governance,
• assert its MA63 entitlements,
• deepen its federal linkages,
• and project confidence to Asean.

If the Amazing Six fulfil their roles with integrity and talent, they will not merely steady a government—

they will fortify a federation.

* Phar Kim Beng is Professor of Asean Studies, Director Institute of International and Asean Studies at the International Islamic University of Malaysia. 

** This is the personal opinion of the writer or publication and does not necessarily represent the views of Malay Mail.