SEPT 23 — When the European Union unveiled its Global Gateway strategy in 2021, it marked more than just another European development initiative. 

It was, in essence, a statement of intent—an acknowledgment that infrastructure, sustainability, and connectivity are now as central to geopolitics as military power or trade policy. 

The Global Gateway seeks to mobilize more than €300 billion in smart, clean, and secure investments through a “Team Europe” approach, which brings together EU institutions, member states, and financial institutions. For Asean, which sits at the nexus of global trade and great-power competition, this is an opportunity that cannot be ignored.

The Global Gateway is ambitious in scope. It targets investments in digital, transport, and energy infrastructure, while also strengthening health, educ

From the Asean Economic Community (AEC) to the Asean Digital Masterplan and the Asean Plan of Action for Energy Cooperation, lists these very priorities.

Yet, Asean’s challenge has never been in identifying what it needs. Rather, the question has been how to mobilize the resources to achieve it. Europe’s €300 billion commitment provides an answer.

Take renewable energy, for instance. Southeast Asia is home to both abundant natural resources and some of the highest levels of coal dependency. 

If Asean is to transition to greener economies, it requires not just political will but also financing, technology transfer, and project implementation expertise. The EU, with its leadership in climate policy and green technology, can fill this gap. 

Joint ventures in solar, wind, and hydropower could provide the lifeline Asean economies need to meet their climate commitments while sustaining growth.

The digital sphere offers another avenue for deep cooperation. Asean has made no secret of its ambition to build a strong digital economy by 2030, projected to be worth more than $1 trillion. 

But digital dreams rest on secure infrastructure. Europe’s investment in high-quality undersea cables, 5G networks, and cybersecurity frameworks can complement Asean’s own efforts to avoid vulnerabilities in its digital backbone. 

In an era of escalating cyber threats and geopolitical rivalry over digital infrastructure, the EU’s emphasis on resilience and security resonates with Asean’s priorities.

Transport connectivity is equally vital. Asean’s growth depends on overcoming the “last mile” challenge—ensuring that goods, services, and people can move seamlessly across borders. 

The EU has decades of experience in building cross-border transport infrastructure and regulatory frameworks. 

By tapping into Global Gateway funds, Asean could accelerate the completion of critical transport corridors, ports, and rail links. 

Such projects would not only knit Asean closer together but also strengthen its role in global value chains, particularly at a time when supply chain resilience is a key geopolitical concern.

But Asean must also be clear-eyed. The Global Gateway is not a blank cheque. It comes with expectations of transparency, governance, and accountability. This may pose challenges for some ASEAN states accustomed to less stringent requirements under other financing models. 

Yet this is where opportunity lies. By aligning with the EU’s standards, Asean can strengthen its own governance systems, reduce corruption risks, and ensure that projects deliver broad-based benefits. 

The EU is not just offering money; it is offering a framework for sustainable and accountable development.

There is also a broader geopolitical dimension. China’s Belt and Road Initiative (BRI) has already left a deep footprint in Asean. 

From ports in Malaysia and Indonesia to railways in Laos and Thailand, BRI projects have reshaped the physical and strategic landscape of the region. 

Asean cannot ignore these realities. But nor should it resign itself to dependency. Engaging with the EU through the Global Gateway provides diversification. 

It creates balance in Asean’s external partnerships, ensuring that no single external actor dominates its infrastructure development. This is not about choosing between China and Europe; it is about creating space for Asean to maximize its agency.

To operationalize this, Asean must institutionalize its engagement with the EU. 

A dedicated Asean–EU Development Partnership Council could be created to oversee Global Gateway projects. 

This body could align European investments with Asean’s own masterplans, identify priority sectors, and coordinate with both public and private stakeholders. 

Without such mechanisms, the risk is that projects will be fragmented, duplicative, or poorly integrated with Asean’s broader vision.

The stakes are high. The Global Gateway’s success in Asean will be measured not in policy papers but in tangible improvements in the lives of citizens: affordable clean energy, reliable digital access, quality healthcare, and better educational opportunities. 

These are the dividends that Asean governments must deliver if they wish to sustain legitimacy and growth in a post-pandemic, climate-challenged world.

In the final analysis, Asean’s choice is clear. It can either remain reactive, waiting for external powers to define its development trajectory, or it can seize the initiative, shaping partnerships in ways that serve its regional priorities.

The EU has extended a hand through the Global Gateway, backed by €300 billion and a commitment to sustainability. 

Asean must grasp it—not as a passive recipient, but as an active partner determined to build a more resilient, connected, and prosperous region.

If Asean fails to engage decisively, it risks being left behind in a world where infrastructure and connectivity define the very terms of sovereignty and competitiveness. 

But if it succeeds, the Global Gateway could become not just an EU initiative, but a cornerstone of Asean’s transformation in the decades to come.

*Phar Kim Beng, PhD, is professor of Asean Studies at the International Islamic University of Malaysia and director of the Institute of International and Asean Studies (IINTAS).

**This is the personal opinion of the writer or publication and does not necessarily represent the views of Malay Mail.