MARCH 23 — The million-dollar question that had been on the minds of many Indonesians was answered last week when the hugely popular Jakarta Governor Joko Widodo finally announced his intention to run for president after months of casually sidestepping the question.

Made during an impromptu public visit, his announcement was backed by a statement released almost immediately by the Indonesian Democratic Party of Struggle (PDI-P) Chairman Megawati Sukarnoputri.

In two signed letters written in her cursive handwriting, adding a dramatic flair to the much-anticipated event — and a likely reference to some historical documents — the former Indonesian president “gave the mandate” for Jokowi, as the governor is affectionately known, to run in the July 9 presidential race. She also instructed the party to support his nomination.

Interestingly, Megawati’s daughter and political heiress apparent Puan Maharani read the letters in a press conference, as if to subdue speculations that Jokowi’s candidacy had caused a division within the party structure. In charge of PDI-P’s parliamentary electoral campaign, Puan and some members of Megawati’s inner circle were said to be reluctant to announce Jokowi’s nomination before the April 9 legislative election.

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According to one of my sources in the party, they feared it would give too much power to the governor, a relative newcomer to a party that owes its rise and staying power to the legacy of founding President Soekarno, Megawati’s father.

But timing was an important factor. The nomination was declared just two days before the official open campaigns began for all the 15 political parties.

The responses were overwhelmingly positive. The rupiah strengthened to a six-month high, while the stock market shot up following the news. Social media reverberated with conversations about the announcement.

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Banking on the governor’s unassailable lead in popularity polls, far ahead of other presidential contenders, PDI-P expects to garner 27 per cent of the votes in April, more than the 25 per cent required in order to nominate a presidential candidate.

The broadness of Jokowi’s appeal spanning geographic and demographic divides — from villagers, urban poor to educated middle class; from Java to Papua — is unequalled in post-Suharto Indonesia.

To a lesser extent, Megawati once enjoyed a similar popularity as an opposition leader hailed by her grass-root supporters during the turbulent years that ended with President Suharto’s resignation 16 years ago.

Fresh from the euphoria of the 1998 Reformasi, PDI-P won the 1999 election overwhelmingly, but Megawati’s subsequent refusal to compromise in the oligarchic parliamentary politics caused her to lose the presidency to the late Abdurrahman Wahid.

She replaced him only two years later after his impeachment, but failed to inspire during her term with her seemingly aloof and inaccessible leadership, while her fractious party began to lose touch with its grass-root base. In 2004, she lost the presidency to her former Cabinet Minister Susilo Bambang Yudhoyono, who defeated her again five years later.

But Yudhoyono, too, has disappointed most of his voters, largely because of his perceived indecisiveness and a number of corruption cases involving high-ranking officials in his Democrat Party, as indicated by the party’s continuous drop in approval ratings.

As Indonesians grew disillusioned with party politics in the last decade, a few “accidental politicians” like Jokowi emerged in regional elections for governors, district heads and mayors.

A former furniture businessman, Jokowi was serving his second term as the popular mayor of Surakarta in Central Java, when he left to run for Jakarta governor with an ethnic Chinese politician on his ticket. The two quickly won the hearts of voters in the capital with their informal approach to campaigning.

Jokowi’s uncanny ability to connect and communicate with economically marginalized people, and his unassuming profile that shuns stiff protocols and the perks of high-ranking government officials have won people’s trust. He is perfectly complimented by his deputy Basuki Tjahaja Purnama, a former parliamentarian and district head in Sumatra known for his stringent measures of fiscal discipline and his brusque manner in dealing with inept bureaucrats and city councilors.

In slightly over a year, they have achieved more than their predecessors did. This includes initiating a bureaucratic reform to improve public service, bringing order to a notoriously messy and thugs-controlled shopping complex, launching health and education programmes to assist the poor, and rejuvenating Jakarta’s many public parks.

The Jokowi administration has not resolved the capital’s acute traffic jam problems, but it has jumpstarted the long-idle mass rapid transit projects. Under his leadership, Jakarta’s income from tax rose from Rp 41 trillion (US$3.5 billion) to Rp 72 trillions, according to Finance Minister Chatib Basri.

Most importantly, however, is that the governor has brought back hope to a nation that has all but lost trust in its political leaders and institutions, having woken up every morning to news of parliamentary and government corruption.

Currently, Jokowi’s known contenders are businessman Aburizal Bakrie and former general Prabowo Subianto. The chairman of Golkar Party, Bakrie has too much political baggage, not least is the drilling disaster involving his oil and gas company that displaced thousands of families in East Java.

Before Jokowi’s rise, the leading presidential candidate was Prabowo, whose military career peaked under Suharto (the father of his former wife) before he was disgracefully dismissed following human rights abuse allegations, owing to the image he crafted as a decisive leader.

His camp has taken issue with Jokowi’s nomination, claiming that Megawati, on whose ticket Prabowo ran as vice president in 2009 election, has betrayed the former general, having agreed five years ago to back his presidential bid this election year.

The result of next month’s parliamentary election will determine how smooth the road to presidential election in Indonesia will be. And for Jokowi, another determining factor to further clear his path to presidency is whom he will have on his ticket, a choice that will largely be influenced by Megawati’s approval.

Judging from the length of time it took her to nominate him, it might take a couple more months before we find out the answer to that question.

* This is the personal opinion of the columnist.